ࡱ>  C bjbj2U2U HP?_P?_88++++++++8,-+3c<.@/(h/h/h/C0.q00 bbbbbbb$og%jbb+0C0C000b++h/h/b8880+h/+h/b80b88\Xa@NBɵm16_,bc03cb_Hj1jXaaj+a00800000bby6h0003c0000j0000000008X *: 1 The Invisible Sector: Private Higher Education in Canada Sharon X. Li and Glen A. Jones Private higher education has received surprisingly little attention within the research literature on Canadian higher education. While private denominational colleges were the dominant model of Canadian universities until the Second World War, government policies promoting the expansion of a public system of higher education associated with Canadas transition from elite to mass higher education effectively transformed this private sector into a secularized public system (Jones, 1996a; 1996b). The transformation was so complete that by the 1970s scholarship on the history or systems of Canadian higher education (e.g., Harris, 1976; Sheffield, Campbell, Holmes, Kymlicka, & Whitelaw, 1978; Wilson, Stamp & Audet, 1970) rarely touched upon private higher education, except for references to private theological institutions. The gradual growth of a new private university sector over the last two decades has received only modest attention (see Smith, 2013). Our objective in this chapter is to present a comprehensive description of private higher education in Canada. We provide a broad overview of the evolution of private higher education in Canada from 1635 to the present. We describe the structure of private higher education in Canada, the types of private institutions, their programs, tuition fees, and student enrolments, and the ways in which the private sectors are regulated within provincial systems. We conclude with some observations on core themes. Structure of Higher Education Canada is a federated state consisting of ten provinces and three territories. [1] The Canadian constitution divides responsibility for policy matters between the federal and provincial governments, and responsibility for education is assigned to the provinces (Wells, 2005). There is no national ministry of education and no national higher education policy; instead, each province has a designated ministry or department responsible for postsecondary education. [2] While higher education policy is highly decentralized, and the provinces have staunchly defended their territory in constitutional discussions, the federal government has been directly or indirectly involved in higher education through its involvement in a range of policy areas. The early post-war expansion of higher education in Canada was initially funded by the federal government, though federal funding mechanisms evolved from direct university grants to unconditional transfers to the provincial governments in support of higher education. Federal government involvement has included funding for technical and vocational training, a national military college, student loan programs, and capital projects (Cameron, 1997). The federal government is a major funder of university research and innovation activities, a role that has been expanding over the last decade (Jones & Weinrib, 2011). Canadian post-secondary education has been traditionally described as comprising of two sectors: the university sector that is characterized by degree-granting authority and high levels of institutional autonomy, and the college (community college) sector that is more tightly regulated by provincial governments and provides technical and career-oriented education. In some provinces the colleges were also assigned responsibility for offering pre-university or university-transfer programs. The fact that universities had the legal authority to award degrees while colleges did not provided a clear boundary between the two sectors within provincial systems, but over the last few decades several provinces have expanded the range of institutions that can award degrees. A number of non-university institutions have also expanded their mission to include applied research (Jones, 2009).The boundaries between the two sectors have become increasingly blurred, challenging the traditional binary structure of provincial higher education systems and making it difficult to distinguish which institutions belong to which sector, and which criteria are most appropriate for making such distinctions (Canadian Council on Learning, 2010, p. 10). Another binary classification that can be used to analyze Canadian higher education is the public-private lens, though defining these two categories is quite challenging. It is not easy to define public versus private in postsecondary education (Levin, 2005), and this is particularly true in the Canadian case since almost all universities have been created as distinct, private, non-for-profit corporations. Universities viewed as public are frequently private corporations that receive funding from government. Public colleges are more frequently established as crown corporations or agencies of government and are therefore more likely to be public in terms of their legal foundation. The commonly applied criterion of whether an institution receives public funding is also problematic in the Canadian context. Although a substantial portion of public universities revenue is from government funding, private contributions to their revenue, such as from student tuition fees, private endowments or from sponsored research contracts with industry, are increasingly important. In 2011, student tuition accounted for 37 percent of total university operating revenue, an increase from 13 percent in 1981, whereas the share of government funding dropped from 84 percent to 55 percent (Canadian Association of University Teachers, 2014). In some provinces, universities receive far more revenue from tuition than they receive from government operating grants. There have also been examples of governments providing funding to private universities to support specific initiatives. Moreover, some private colleges, such as those in the province of Quebec, also receive government subsidies as a source of operating income. In defining public versus private providers of higher education, Levy (2012) suggests identifying and counting private higher education by a nations own legal designation (p. 178). Statistics Canada (2009) uses constituting authority or ownership as the primary distinction between the two sectors, which indicates to whom the assets would revert in the event of liquidation and is usually associated with the constituting authority, or the name on the legal deed to the property (p. 13). According to Statistics Canada (2009), a private institution in Canada is usually created or endorsed by a societies act or the act that is used to create churches (sometimes called the Religious Societies Lands Act), or a private act of a legislature or the National Assembly (pp. 14-15) such as in the case of not-for-profit institutions, or a business corporation act such as in the case of for-profit institutions. Statistics Canada also uses government control through funding and accountability as well as the operating activities of institutions (such as borrowing control) as additional criteria. Different definitions of private higher education will yield different categorizations of institutions. For the purposes of this chapter, we largely draw on the institution directory (as of December 31, 2013) that was compiled by the Canadian Information Centre for International Credentials (CICIC), which is a unit of the Council of Ministers of Education, Canada (CMEC) and which also follows the Statistics Canadas criteria. CICIC gives a simplified definition for private versus public in terms of the institutions administrative status, i.e., whether or not the institution is controlled or managed by a body most of whose members are elected or appointed by or under the scrutiny of a public authority (Canadian Information Centre for International Credentials, n.d.). We also consulted the provincial government websites where in most cases there are lists of private institutions. Statistics Canada (2009) recognized the challenging situation of defining and categorizing Canadian higher education institutions, especially given the jurisdictional differences and the lack of data for private for-profit institutions. After a lengthy process of consultation, Statistics Canada (2009) came up with a fairly clear, if not uncontroversial, classification of six types of postsecondary and adult education providers in Canada, that is, university and degree granting, college and institute, career college, apprenticeship, adult education, and consortium (Table 1.1). This classification also distinguishes between the public and private sectors (including private not-for-profit and private for-profit institutions). This classification offers a basic structural approach to categorizing Canadian higher education providers, public and private. We will now review the evolution of private higher education in Canada. Evolution of Private Higher Education Canadian higher education is currently dominated by public institutions, especially in terms of institutions with the legal authority to grant degrees (Boychuk, 2000; Canadian Council on Learning, 2010). However, many of the earliest universities were private, religious institutions that were affiliated with certain denominational organizations (Skolnik, 1986). The first programs of higher education within the territories that were to become Canada were offered at Collge de Qubec, which was founded by the Jesuits in 1635 (Audet, 1970). The Catholic Church had exerted dominant control of all levels of education in New France, and its considerable influence over education and higher education for the francophone populations in the colony that would become Quebec was tolerated by the British when they took control of the territory. The first universities were created in the British colonies, though there were relatively few developments until after the American Revolution when large numbers of subjects loyal to the British crown moved North. Table 1.1: Types and Sub-types of Post-secondary Education Providers in Canada TypeSub-typeUniversity and degree-grantingPrimarily undergraduateComprehensiveMedical doctoralSpecial purposeaCollege and instituteDegree-granting college and instituteMulti-purposeSpecial purposebCareer collegeDegree-granting career collegeMulti-purposeSpecial purposecApprenticeshipAdult educationArt; immigration centres; language, literacy, upgrading and second language; medical/health; Native friendship centres; professional; school board adult education; otherConsortiumNote: Adapted from Statistics Canadas Definition and Classification of Postsecondary and Adult Education Providers in Canada, by Statistics Canada, 2009, Catalogue no. 81-595-M-No. 071. aBusiness and technical; fine arts; medical/health; religious and theological; other. bBusiness; computer-related; fine arts; language; marine and fisheries; medical/health; protection; religious and theological; technical and trade; other. cBusiness; computer-related; commercial driver training; fine arts, flight; language; medical/health; personal care; protection; technical and trade; other. Most of the universities that emerged in the eighteenth and nineteenth century were private universities, either associated directly or indirectly with the Church of England (such as the Kings Colleges), the Roman Catholic Church, or other protestant denominations (such as the Presbyterian Queen's University, or Baptist McMaster). McGill became the first private Canadian university without an explicit denominational affiliation (Jones, 1996a). At the same time, some colonial legislatures were providing public support to specific institutions that were viewed as public. When Canada was created as a federation of four British colonies in 1867, there were less than 1,500 higher education students in the country, many of whom were enrolled in small, denominational universities that were supported by some combination of tuition, church subsidies and donations. Denominational infighting and constant requests for public subsidies from sectarian institutions led the government of Ontario, in 1868, to declare that it would only provide support to secular institutions. The University of Toronto, the provincial university had emerged as a federation of denominational colleges with a secular core. When new provinces were carved out of the western territories, the new provincial governments decided to avoid the denominational battles of the eastern provinces and each created a single, provincial government funded, secular university and essentially assigned the new institution responsibility for higher education in the jurisdiction. The gradual diminution of the private university sector in Canada began in the late nineteenth century and continued into the 1960s. The change was partly a function of broader shifts within higher education. As Stamp has noted (1970), the development of scientific method and human investigation not only led to increased secularity in teaching and learning, but also resulted in an expanded role of universities for professional training. Confronted with the decreased enrolment in theology as well as the increasing cost of providing science instruction and the prevalence of secular values, many denominational institutions either chose to be federated with larger, public universities or give up their affiliation with the church, in the hope of getting public support. The transition from elite to mass higher education that began following WWII and concluded by the end of the 1960s further exacerbated this trend. Governments devoted considerable resources to institutional expansion and enrolment growth, but in most provinces funding was only available to secular institutions, and the lure of government funding and public purpose led many universities to change their mission and sever ties with the church. Perhaps the most sweeping reforms took place in Quebec where the entire educational system was transformed as a component of the Quiet Revolution; higher education (as well as other areas of social policy) became secularized and the responsibility for education gradually shifted from the church to the state. By the 1970s almost every Canadian university was, or was in the process of becoming, a secular, publicly supported institution (Sheffield, 1970; 1978); government funding, a national network of universities leaders, and isomorphic pressures underscored the development of a relatively homogeneous university sector based on a common model. Canadian universities were private, secular corporations that received government funding and had a public purpose. They were mostly comprehensive institutions with some combination of undergraduate, graduate, and professional degree programs. They shared similar governance structures and they were generally treated the same by governments. Most importantly, they generally treated each other as equals and accepted each others degrees as equivalent to their own (Jones, 1996a; 1996b; 1998). This common model of the university was also reinforced by the fact that the Canadian provinces had come to view degree-granting as a public monopoly. Provincial governments tightly controlled the authority to grant degrees, essentially only allowing publicly supported institutions recognized by the state to offer university degree programs. Idiosyncratic circumstances eventually led to the extension of degree-granting authority to several private universities, such as Trinity Western University in British Columbia in the 1980s, and Redeemer University College in Ontario in the 1990s, but these institutions were generally regarded as sitting on the margins of provincial systems. Real Canadian universities were public institutions. In addition to expanding the university sector, provincial governments also created new institutional types to promote greater access and offer technical/vocational and career-oriented education to address the expanding, and increasingly complex, needs of the labour market (Harvey, 1974). The role and function of these new institutional types varied by province. Technical/vocational education did not, of course, suddenly emerge in the 1960s. Private career colleges (or vocational schools) had provided a range of specialized training programs that were quite distinct from the educational programs associated with the university sector, and some provinces had developed specialized training institutes. The need for highly skilled workers led to federal funding initiatives, such as the Vocational Training Co-ordination Act of 1942 and the Adult Occupational Training Act of 1967. Government funded training institutes were often folded into the provincial college systems leading to a rationalization of provincially funded technical/vocational programming. Private colleges also benefited from the increasing demands for highly skilled labour, operating in parallel, and frequently in competition, with the public sector. While provincial governments treated degree granting as a public monopoly, they generally allowed a free market to emerge in the realm of vocational and career-training programs. Governments would take steps to regulate the public colleges, but most provinces did little to regulate the private career training sector beyond basic consumer protection. In the 1960s, Quebec developed a distinctive type of college called the CEGEP (Collge denseignement general et professionne). These institutions offer general and vocational education programs. After completing Grade 11, students can choose to enter either the two-year general programs which are prerequisite for university admission, or the three-year vocational training programs that prepare them for employment upon graduation. CEGEPs are publicly funded, but private colleges also exist and offer the same general or vocational education curricula. There are two groups of private colleges: those receiving government subsidies and those receiving no public funding but operating with a government permit. The basic structural arrangements that had emerged in the early 1970s largely continued to characterize these provincial systems into the 1990s, when several provinces began to look for ways of continuing to expand access to university degrees. The provinces of Alberta and British Columbia extended the authority to grant degrees to a number of non-university institutions, including institutions within the college sector, and the clear divide within these binary systems became blurred. To date, five of the ten Canadian provinces and the Yukon Territory have now assigned some limited form of degree-granting authority to colleges. The elimination of the public university monopoly on degree granting not only blurred the boundaries between the two public higher education sectors, it also opened the door, in at least some provinces, to the authorization of private universities. The Ontario government, for example, created an agency to review college applications for new applied degree programs, but it also gave that agency the authority to review and provide the government with advice on applications from new private universities: the government would allow the establishment of private, not-for-profit universities in the province in an attempt to address issues of accessibility and choice (Fisher, Rubenson, Jones & Shanahan, 2009). A number of other provinces had made similar decisions to allow for the emergence of private universities. Some primarily undergraduate private institutions have adopted the name university college, such as Concordia University College of Alberta (in 1995), Redeemer University College of Ontario (in 2000), and Booth University College of Manitoba (in 2010). Several provincial governments have also set up regulatory procedures to register, review, and assess programs offered by private institutions in order to maintain accountability. Some details of government regulations will be discussed later in this chapter. The role of the federal government in higher education shifted in the new millennium. The government took major steps to eliminate its annual deficits during the mid-1990s, including massive cuts in transfers to the provinces designed to support postsecondary education. By the turn of the century the federal government had an annual surplus, but instead of replacing transfer funding, the government made major investments in university research and development (Fisher et al, 2006). These major investments served to increase institutional differentiation within the university sector by rewarding research intensive institutions compared with those that have historically placed less emphasis on research. One might argue that it has also further marginalized private universities which have tended to be more undergraduate (and less graduate and research) focused than their more comprehensive public peers. Some federal funding programs have been available to the private education. For example, the newly created, private, not-for-profit Pacific Coast University for Workplace Health Sciences in British Columbia, was awarded a $1.65 million grant under the federal governments Knowledge Infrastructure Program (KIP) which was introduced in Canada's Economic Action Plan of 2009 as an economic stimulus to improve institutional infrastructure across Canada. The Industry Canada website shows that a number of colleges and universities, including faith-based institutions, also benefited from the KIP program. There has always been private higher education in Canada since the nation was founded, but the nature of these private sectors has evolved over time. Theological schools have existed with little regulation or intervention on the part of government. A private career college sector predates the emergence of provincial colleges, and has ebbed and flowed with the market for private career and vocational training. However, there have been major changes in the university sector; a number of provincial governments have allowed for the creation of new private universities, and expanded the authority to grant degrees to new institutions. A private university sector has gradually emerged. Types and Numbers of Private Institutions Canadian postsecondary education is still largely dominated by public institutions, especially in the university and college sectors. According to CICIC, whereas there are 233 public universities and colleges across Canada, there are 86 private universities and colleges (excluding international institutions, see Table 1.2). [3] Only 19 of these private institutions are universities (or university colleges) and they are located in only five provinces. Most of these universities began as denominational institutions and were successful in applying to government to change their institutional designation (to use the term university) and obtain the authority to award academic degrees. Only a few of the institutions that have emerged in the last 15 years are newly established non-denominational institutions, such as Yorkville University of New Brunswick (in 2003), University Canada West in British Columbia (in 2004), and Quest University Canada in British Columbia (in 2002). In Table 1.2 some institutions in the Theological Schools category are also included in the University category because they bear the name of a university or university college and offer both theological and academic programs; a few others are also included in the College category. Therefore, the sum of numbers presented in the table exceeds the actual total number of institutions in these categories. For example, the seventeen theological schools in Ontario have all been given restricted degree-granting authority. Two are also listed in the University category and another one in the College category. Table 1.2: Number of private post-secondary institutions as of 2013, by province ProvinceUniversitiesaCollegesbCareer collegescLanguage schoolsdTheological schoolseInternational institutionsfBritish Columbia4831755164Alberta521476157Saskatchewan1375Manitoba35212Ontario2560147175Quebec5117157New Brunswick5592Nova Scotia445Prince Edward Island1811Newfoundland and Labrador231Note. Major data source is from Canadian Information Centre for International Credentials (CICIC). a These institutions all have university or university college in their names. b These are colleges, CEGEPs (Quebec), institutes, and polytechnics schools that offer degrees and/or diplomas. c These are registered or licensed institutions for occupational and vocational training purposes. d These schools offer second language programs that meet the quality assurance standards of Languages Canada (LC), a voluntary association that accredits language training of Canadas two official languages, English and French. e Some of these institutions offer both academic and theology degrees, and some offer only theology degrees, diploma, and certificate programs. f These are branch or satellite campuses of foreign private institutions that offer degree programs in Canadian provinces. Private career colleges (or training schools) offer programs that lead to a diploma or certificate. They can be not-for-profit institutions, though the vast majority are for-profit business operations. They usually do not receive operating grants from provincial governments; however, students attending some registered private colleges can be eligible for government student financial assistance. Academic Degree Programmes, Tuitions, and Enrolments Thirty-three Canadian institutions and sixteen international institutions are authorized to award academic degrees (including associate degrees). None of the private institutions offer a doctorate degree except for a few which offer a religion-related doctorate (such as a Doctor of Ministry) and a PhD program by the Institute for Christian Studies (in Ontario). In British Columbia, Alberta and Ontario where foreign institutions are authorized to offer degree programs, most of these programs are masters programs usually in the fields of business administration, information and computer technology, and education. The few bachelor degree programs are usually Bachelor of Science programs in computer and technology (and one or two programs are Bachelors of Business Administration). Programs in Canadian private institutions vary, but with limited variation. Eight institutions offer one or two academic masters programs, including a Master of Arts (for example, in counselling, psychology, philosophy), Master of Education, Master of Information System Security Management, and Master of Business Administration. Only one institution offers a Master of Science program (in nursing). Among institutions that have obtained bachelors degree designations, some programs are 3-year programs, but the majority of bachelor programs require four years of study. Most programs are Bachelor of Arts (BA) programs. Bachelor of Science (BSc) programs are offered in eleven institutions and they are largely concentrated in areas such as biology, environmental technology/studies, computing or information science. Five institutions that are members of the Association of Canadian Universities and Colleges (AUCC) offer a wider variety of program choices than other institutions, whereas five institutions in British Columbia can only offer two-year associate degree programs. Unlike public institutions, a great majority of private degree-granting institutions charge the same tuition fees for both domestic and international students, and in most cases the fees are the same regardless of the undergraduate degree program. Among the 27 domestic institutions that offer academic bachelor and associate degrees, tuition fee schedules of 25 institutions were available for the 2013-2014 academic year. Tuition fees for these institutions ranged from US$ 6,200 to US$ 29,000 for eight months or 30 credits. This range in tuition fees happens to be the tuition variation among institutions in British Columbia, which has the largest number of private institutions that can award academic degrees. [4] The average tuition fees for private institutions were all higher than the average undergraduate tuition for public universities in each province. Although students in public institutions of British Columbia are paying the fourth lowest average fees, the average fees charged by private institutions are more than twice as much, as a result of very high tuition fees in two institutions (both over US$ 20,000), which are the highest among all Canadian private institutions. In Ontario, the average public tuition fees are the highest in the country, and the same is true for the tuition charged by private institutions, though they have a narrower range (between US$ 12,120 and US$ 14,250) than fees charged by institutions in British Columbia (from US$ 6,200 to US$ 29,000). Figure 1.1: Average undergraduate tuition fees (2013-2014 academic year) for Canadian full-time students of degree-granting institutions, by province  EMBED Excel.Chart.8 \s  Figure 1.Comparison is based on an academic year of two semesters, eight months or 30credits. Data for public tuitions were obtained from Statistics Canada (2013). The schedule of tuitions fees for private institutions were obtained from institutional websites and through public inquiries. Each year, Statistics Canada conducts a cross-sectional survey of public post-secondary institutions (including universities, community colleges and trade and vocational training centres) to collect data on their enrolments. Unfortunately, private institutions are excluded from this census, which severely limits our ability to analyze private sector enrolment. From what we could gather from the websites of 18 degree-granting institutions, it appears that most of these institutions are relatively small. Half of them have enrolments below 1,000, the smallest being an enrolment of 67 at a research institute and less than 120 in a faith-based institution. Another half of the institutions have a total enrolment of more than 1,000 students and six of these institutions are in British Columbia. Trinity Western University is perhaps the largest private institution in Canada, with an annual enrolment of approximately 4,000 students (including 1,900 undergraduates). The Quebec government collects enrolment data on private CEGEPs. For the fall semester in 2012, enrolments in all 47 private CEGEPs reached 20,602, less than 11 percent of the enrolments in the public sector that had 48 CEGEPs (Ministry of Education, Recreation, and Sports, 2012). Government subsidized private CEGEPs (23 in total in 2012) enrolled about two-thirds of the students studying in private CEGEPs. It is predicted that the number of enrolments for both public and private sectors are likely to decline in the next few years until 2020 when there may be a gradual increase for at least seven years onwards. Private career colleges and vocational training schools comprise the largest number of private institutions (as is shown in Table 1.2). There seems to be no official pan-Canada data on enrollment in this sector. Approximate numbers for six provinces were obtained from government reports, government-created agencies, or associations of provincial career colleges (see Table 3). In Newfoundland and Labrador, private training institutions are the provinces only type of private post-secondary provider, other than a private theological school. Enrollment in the 25 private training institutions operating in 2010-2011academic year represented 12.5% of total enrollment in the provinces two public institutions (Department of Advanced Education and Skills, n.d.). Table 1.3: Enrollments in private career colleges ProvinceEnrollmentYearSource of DataBritish ColumbiaOver 48,000January 2014Private Career Training Institutions Agency (http://www.pctia.bc.ca/about)Manitoba3,4252011Ministry of Education and Advanced Learning (http://www.edu.gov.mb.ca/ar_ael_1112/report.pdfOntarioOver 67,000January 2014Career Colleges Ontario (http://www.careercollegesontario.ca/your-association/?)New Brunswick29542012-2013Department of Post-Secondary Education, Training, and Labour (http://www2.gnb.ca/content/dam/gnb/Departments/petl-epft/PDF/AnnualReport-RapportAnnuel2012-2013.pdf)Prince Edward Island12782009-2010Department of Innovation and Advanced Learning (http://www.gov.pe.ca/photos/original/ial_annual.pdf)Newfoundland and Labrador3,2252010-2011Department of Advanced Education and Skills (http://www.aes.gov.nl.ca/postsecondary/fastfacts.html) In Prince Edward Island which also has two public institutions and few language or theological schools, there were 1,278 students enrolled in private training schools in the 2009-2010 academic year, or approximately 17% of the enrollments in the public sector. There is also little data on enrollment in private second language schools. A source from Language Canada (2013) indicated that 142,931 students were enrolled in Languages Canada programs in 2012 that included 76 programs through the public sector and 155 programs through private providers. As is shown by the numbers of private institutions, their programs, and student enrollment, private post-secondary education in Canada is a fairly small sector compared with the public sector, both in terms of their size and the variety of academic programs they offer. Private career colleges are perhaps the only large category of private sector institutions in terms of the number of providers. Given the lack of data on total enrollment in private career colleges, it is difficult to tell which sector, the public or the private, has a larger number of students. Despite their limited presence in the post-secondary sector, each provincial government has developed a series of monitoring mechanisms to regulate the sector, a topic that we will turn to in the following section. Regulations Most private and public universities have the same legal status as private, not-for-profit corporations. However, the fact that they receive public funding usually means that public universities are also governed by other legislative and regulatory requirements associated with being part of the broader public sector. While most universities have their own distinct legislative act, the Universities in British Columbia operate under an omnibus University Act. The legal foundation of the public college sector is usually quite different than the universities, and in most provinces they are much more highly regulated than the universities. For example, Ontario colleges of applied arts and technology were crown corporations created under a single piece of legislation that assigned considerable authority over the sector to the government ministry. They have obtained slightly greater autonomy under more recent legislation. Private career colleges are usually established as private businesses. Each province also has a provincial act that governs private career colleges or vocational training schools. There is a special government department or designated agency that usually sets the standard for private institutions, registers or licenses institutions, and/or protects the student as educational consumer. Registration is generally required of private training colleges that offer a program exceeding a certain duration or level of tuition (such as in British Columbia, Alberta, Manitoba, New Brunswick) though there are specific exceptions. In Ontario it is illegal to operate an unregistered institution or offer an unapproved program. However, most provinces have a disclaimer that registration with the government does not mean that the government recommends the private institution or endorses its quality. The government of British Columbia has established a government accreditation mechanism called Education Quality Assurance (EQA) as an indicator that the institution has successfully met the provinces quality assurance standards. Beginning in June 2014, only institutions with the EQA designation will be allowed to accept international students for programs lasting more than 6-months. The designation has become a quality badge for domestic students, and a way of ensuring quality standards for international students. Most provinces have also created programs in order to protect students against unexpected school closures. In British Columbia, for example, registered private training colleges and language schools will participate in the Student Training Completion Fund to offer tuition protection for their students. They make a start-up contribution to the fund at the time of registering with the Private Career Training Institutions Agency (PCTIA) as well as making monthly contributions to the fund. In case a registered school is closed, its students can make a claim against the fund and either request a tuition refund or request a transfer to another institution to complete their studies. The government of New Brunswick requires registered private colleges to provide Financial Security (such as Surety Bond or Irrevocable Letter of Credit) for the first two years of operation. In addition, registered students pay a Student Protection Fee (1 percent of the tuition). The regulation of degree-granting continues to be a core feature of the regulatory environment for private institutions in Canada. As noted above, degree-granting authority has been strictly controlled by each province and territory (Skolnik, 1987). Several provinces have changed how these decisions are made and created mechanisms to review applications from potential providers. In 1985, Trinity Western University of British Columbia obtained a new name and the authority to award degrees under a private members bill introduced and approved by the provincial legislature. There was no formal mechanism to apply for a change in status, and the government of the day was unwilling to formally support the change. Two decades later the province approved the Degree Authorization Act which, since 2003, allows private institutions to grant degrees or use university in their title, subject to ministerial consent. At present, the province has over a dozen private, non-profit and for-profit degree (or associate degree) granting institutions (Ministry of Advanced Education, n.d.), four of which are branch campuses of American private universities. Among those based in Canada, three institutions created within the last 12 years have university in their institutional name. Created in 1984, the Private Colleges Accreditation Board (PCAB) in Alberta was charged with reviewing and making recommendations to the government on applications from private college to offer degree programs (Campus Alberta Quality Council, 2013). Currently, six faith-based university colleges that receive an annual operating grant from the province are classified as independent academic institutions in Albertas Six Sector Model, which categorizes Albertas publicly funded institutions. Five of them offer degree programs whereas the degree approval of the sixth institution was rescinded recently and its university title was removed. There is only one private degree-granting institution that is based in the province (resident institutions) and not funded by the public purse. DeVry Institute of Technology Calgary was authorized to offer three degree programs in 2001. As of 2013, of the twelve non-resident institutions offering approved degrees, seven are private institutions based in the US and the others are public institutions from other provinces. Compared with British Columbia and Alberta, the other two western provinces are latecomers in this policy area. The government of Saskatchewan introduced the Degree Authorization Act in December 2011 (which was proclaimed in October 2012), allowing post-secondary institutions, other than the provinces two universitiesthe University of Saskatchewan and the University of Reginato grant degrees. In 2013, Briercrest College and Seminary became the first and only private institution in the province, so far, to have obtained authorization to grant degrees, other than theological degrees. The Manitoba government began to expand degree-granting authority in the 1990s, for example it approved a charter for the Mennonite College Federation in 1998, and the organization began to operate under the name Canadian Mennonite University in 2000. Manitobas Degree Granting Act came into effect in January 2007, but to date only private faith-based institutions have obtained that status. Ontario was perhaps the first province in Canada to approve legislation (in 1983) that tightly regulated degree-granting (Skolnik, 1987). Fourteen years later, in 1996, the provincial government appointed an advisory panel to examine the many issues that were facing the province at the time, including the provinces postsecondary education structure. The panel concluded that the province should allow for the emergence of privately financed, not-for-profit, university-level secular degree-granting institutions as long as governance, quality and financing requirements could be met (Advisory Panel on Future Directions for Postsecondary Education, 1996). Early in the new millennium the Ontario government approved legislation that substantially revised its approach to regulating degree-granting authority (Rosenfeld, 2003). Institutions, including profit and non-profit private institutions, should submit applications to the Postsecondary Education Quality Assessment Board (PEQAB) for ministerial consent with regard to proposed degree offerings. Tyndale University College, a faith-based institution offering secular degrees, emerged as a new private university under this regulatory environment. Initial fears that the new legislation would lead to the emergence of a large private university sector have proven unjustified; no private for-profit universities have emerged in Ontario. In the Atlantic region, the province with the greatest developments related to private higher education is New Brunswick: the provinces Degree Granting Act came into effect in 2001, and provided a foundation for private universities to offer degrees subject to review and approval. Since then, four private universities have been allowed to offer degree programs, though one university was closed in 2011 and a second lost its designation in 2010. In Nova Scotia, degree legislation was amended in 2006 making it possible for a private institution to offer degree programs with government approval. Prince Edward Island has only one private degree-issuing institution (Maritime Christian College) and it is a theological college affiliated with the provincial university. Except for one affiliated, theological college, none of the other private institutions in the province of Newfoundland and Labrador (i.e., 23 career colleges) have degree-granting status. There are no private universities in the Province of Quebec. As we have already noted, there are private institutions offering pre-university and vocational programs operating in the college sector. As this review of regulatory arrangements clearly suggests, there has been a gradual shift away from the assumption that only public universities should be able to offer university degrees. Most provinces have now created legislation that explicitly regulates degree-granting authority, and created a designated body to review applications and make recommendations to government (the Minister responsible for higher education) and, in some cases, periodically assess these degree programs. In the case of the three Maritime provinces (New Brunswick, Nova Scotia, and Prince Edward Island), each province has delegated this role to the Maritime Provinces Higher Education Commission (MPHEC). Recognition and Legitimacy Canada may be one of the very few developed nations that does not have a national system of university accreditation or quality assurance. Quality assurance mechanisms were viewed as unnecessary in the context of a relatively homogeneous university system where public universities essentially recognized each others undergraduate credentials as equivalent. The creation and recognition of a public university by a provincial government implied that the institution would be recognized by its peers. Quality assurance was left in the hands of individual institutions. The expansion of degree-granting authority to non-university institutions, and the emergence of a small private university sector, has raised questions related to issues of recognition and legitimacy (Marshall, 2008), and the absence of some form of third-party quality assurance mechanism means that there is no easy resolution. Given this context, membership in the Association of Universities and Colleges of Canada (AUCC), the national organization of university leadership, has become an important instrument for national recognition. Membership in the AUCC has become the de facto accreditation process for degree-granting institutions, and that affects how other post-secondary institutions would value an applicants degree from a Canadian institution for admission to their graduate studies (Marshall, 2005, p. 55). Only not-for-profit institutions are eligible for membership. Currently, among the 97 AUCC member institutions, there are five private universities, all of which are faith-based institutions. All of these institutions refer to their AUCC membership on their institutional websites. AUCC membership represents, as one institution put it, a gold seal of approval that places the institution among Canada's internationally recognized institutions that offer quality higher education. There are other forms of recognition at the national or provincial level, though they are probably not as authoritative as the AUCC membership and carry different objectives for their accreditation. Some accreditation processes are carried out by relevant professional or religious associations. The Imagine Education au/in Canada brand is a joint initiative between the provinces and territories through the Council of Ministers of Education, Canada (CMEC) and the federal Department of Foreign Affairs and International Trade Canada (DFAIT). It is primarily designed to promote Canadian institutions in the international scene and to offer guidance to prospective international students. Of the total of 123 institutions eligible to carry the brand, 20 are private universities or colleges, according to CICIC. Issues of recognition and legitimacy for private institutions are even more challenging in the college and career college sectors. The Education Quality Assurance initiative in British Columbia represents one of the very few instruments for ensuring that institutions in these sectors have reasonable educational standards. Career colleges are frequently treated as businesses by government, and regulations generally focus on protecting the financial interests of the student as consumer, rather than assuring quality. There is also tremendous diversity in the sector in that providers range in size and program activity (from offering a range of high level programs, to teaching hair dressing or truck driving). There are provincial career college associations as well as a national umbrella organization (the National Association of Career Colleges) that advocate on behalf of the sector and support the interests of member colleges. In 1984 a small group of colleges created the Canadian Education and Training Accreditation Commission as a voluntary body for the accreditation of career colleges using a set of standards established by the Commission. As of January, 2014, 16 career colleges were accredited by this organization. Concluding Observations The notion of a private sector of higher education was largely viewed as antithetic in policy debates concerning the expansion of higher education in the 1960s and 1970s. Higher education was generally regarded as a public good, like health care, and system expansion had led to the emergence of a common model of the university that was autonomous, public (funded by government), and secular (Jones, 1998). This view, however, completely ignored the realities of the college and career college sectors, where private providers had long been commonplace. Provincial governments strictly regulated the authority to grant degrees, but largely allowed for a free market within the short-cycle vocational education sector. In order to understand private higher education in Canada, therefore, it becomes extremely important to look beyond the university sector at postsecondary sectors that have historically received very little attention within the higher education literature. In terms of number of institutions, career colleges represent by far the largest sector of private higher education in Canada. However, the importance of the sector is more difficult to measure or analyze in large part because there is so little public data on the sector, and because the sector is both diverse (in terms of the size and program focus of providers) and fluid (with businesses coming and going, expanding and contracting, as a function of the market). The very fact that these colleges exist suggest that they are satisfying a need within the educational marketplace. Consumer protection has been the major concern underscoring government regulation of the sector, ensuring, for example, that students will see their tuition fees refunded if a college experiences financial difficulties. British Columbia has taken a quite different approach through the introduction of the Educational Quality Assurance designation as a way of labelling quality programs for domestic students, and protecting students in the international student market. In terms of the university sector, private institutions were once the dominant institutional form but the lure of public funding and the belief that governments should only support secular institutions let to the virtual elimination of a private university sector by 1970. The assumption that degree-granting should be treated as a public monopoly was abandoned by several provinces in the 1980s and 1990s, and by most of the rest in the first decade of the new millennium. There are now 19 private universities in Canada, suggesting that there has been considerable growth in this sector over the last few decades. However, it is also important to recognize that there has long been another category of institutions termed Theological Schools and that the growth in the private university sector is, for the most part, a reclassification of some of these existing institutions. Theological schools provide a faith-based education, sometimes leading to a degree in theology or biblical studies, but they have been historically prevented from offering more traditional secular degree programs. The re-regulation of degree-granting has provided some of these institutions with an opportunity to expand their program offerings and obtain university status. Many of these universities are quite small and offer little competition to the more traditional universities, but they do offer students an alternative in terms of pursuing an undergraduate education in an environment that might provide greater respect and support for their religious values. The renewed intersection between religion and university status has raised a number of complicated issues concerning religious freedom, academic freedom, and human rights. The Canadian Association of University Teachers argues that the statements of faith required as a condition of employment for professors teaching in some of faith-based universities are a serious violation of academic freedom. Professional associations have raised concerns about degrees in education and law offered by Trinity Western University given the way the institutions code of student conduct deals with homosexuality. At the time, as Smith notes (2013), the new universities in Manitoba have taken steps to integrate within the provincial system and are increasingly viewed as legitimate members of the provincial higher education community. The re-regulation of degree-granting has not, however, led to a major surge in the development of private secular universities. A number of new small universities have emerged and now compete with the public sector, offering alternative curriculum and pedagogical approaches, but, at least to date, there is little evidence that these institutions have had a substantive impact on higher education in Canada, though they do provide students with some new choices and add to the diversity of the university sector. There has been little movement towards the development of a for-profit university sector in Canada. The basic challenge that private providers face is that they are in competition with a subsidized, high access public system that is viewed as providing a good quality of education. In other words, they must not only jump large regulatory hurdles to obtain degree-granting authority and university status, and work within an environment in which they are largely marginalized, but their financial survival depends largely on their ability to attract students away from a reasonably well respected, subsidized system. Canadas private higher education sectors continue to be relatively invisible within public debates of higher education in Canada, and within the higher education research literature. The focus continues to be largely on the public university and college sector, in part because these institutions continue to dominate the system in terms of enrolment, prestige and public discussion, but more attention needs to be given to the evolution of private higher education in Canada. We need more data on the sector, in terms of its students, faculty, and programs, and we need a far more nuanced understanding of the role and work of the sector within the broader context of Canadian higher education. Endnotes Compared with the largely autonomous provinces, the territories have less self-governing authority. They stretch over 39% of Canadas land area with only 0.3 percent of the countrys population as of the 2011 census. To date, there is only one public college in each of the territories. There are altogether 7 private postsecondary institutions, all of which are private career colleges or vocational training schools. In this chapter, we largely follow the inclusive definition of post-secondary education proposed by Sheffield et al (1978) and use the term to mean all forms of formal and informal education after completion of secondary school, that is, Grade 12 in all provinces except in Quebec where secondary school education finishes at Grade 11. We use the two terms postsecondary education and higher education interchangeably. We used CICICs institutional directory as of December 2013 as the principal guide, crosschecking the institutional lists that were posted on provincial governments websites, as well as relevant information on an institutions own website. CICIC has a broader list for the University and College categories, but we made some minor adjustments in that (a) we limited the University category to institutions that have the term university or university college in their institutional names, in order to show their distinctive status in relation to other types of institutions because the use of the two terms is strictly regulated by provincial legislation, and (b) theological schools that are not authorized to offer academic degrees independently were categorized as Theological Schools only. Therefore, the number of institutions in each category may have changed. Here are a few examples. The newly created Pacific Coast University for Workplace Health Sciences (in British Columbia) is not shown in the CICICs directory, but we include it in the University category (it is listed on the provincial government website). Another example is Menno Simons College which the CICIC categorizes as a university-level institution. We put this institution in the Theological School category only, given the fact that graduates of the college receive a Bachelor of Arts Degree from The University of Winnipeg, a public university. A third example is related to a number of theological schools in Quebec. CICIC lists them as university-level institutions, whereas we regard them only as theological schools because they offer theological degrees only. Please note that the methods used to calculate average private and public tuitions are different, therefore caution should be exercised when making the comparison. 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